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Macdonald was one of Canada's founding fathers.
Library and Archives Canada also contains the Census of Canadian citizens all the way back to 1871 in their database in addition to a military history....
Freewheeling departments, provincial officials and even Cabinet Ministers could weaken our voice in Washington and complicate our strategies. As tensions grew between Ottawa and Washington in the 1970s and 1980s, the Cabinet regularly endorsed directives enhancing the capacity of External Affairs to exercise greater control over all the players in the Canada-U.S. relationship. Anything that weakened the centralization of power was seen as a threat to our capacity to deal effectively with the U.S.
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We became principal architects of the Commonwealth and La Francophonie and regarded them as centrepieces of our foreign policy. It became our proud claim that Canada was a participant in every major peacekeeping operation held under the auspices of the United Nations. The UN, the specialized agencies and GATT were a principal focus of our international effort. Europe and Latin America, the Caribbean and, indeed, every continent and region required our diplomatic presence. An endless battle between the diplomats and the treasury led to the typically Canadian phenomenon of opening embassies and then closing them, then opening them again and closing them – what might be called the Ecuador Embassy syndrome. The battle continues to this day, when we have 146 offices throughout the world.
And look to the rest of the world we did. To the dismay of the purse-keepers and managers of the federal bureaucracy, Canadian diplomats were never very successful in establishing priorities in the shaping of Canadian foreign policy. The need was to be everywhere. New embassies burgeoned in every continent, a major aid program took shape with funds directed to every corner of the globe. A major participant in the Colombo Plan in Asia, we were in time to become a larger contributor to Anglophone Africa than the U.S. and second only to France in Francophone Africa.
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Unlike literary criticism, which necessarily passes judgement on the work under study, the literary essay freely considers the written work, offering nondefinitive, personal comments on its aesthetic value. The literary essay first appeared in newspapers and magazines of the mid-19th century as well as in papers presented in literary circles, at the Institut canadien and in similar reading groups. These first stirrings prepared the way for true literary essayists, Étienne Parent and Napoléon Aubin, Abbé Henri-Raymond , Octave , Arthur Buies and a few others who were prompted by religious and moral concerns to deal with aesthetic questions.
The Canadians understood perfectly what they were doing. They consciously refrained from an untimely unilateral act that would have offended the United States. They supported an international consensus to legitimate what they intended to do and then did it. With variations, this is a fundamental strategy that Canada was to adopt again and again over many years in the pursuit of jurisdiction over territorial seas, navigation through Arctic ice, pollution control on the high seas and so on. We persistently sought international sanction, in the form of new rules, for actions that were strongly opposed by and largely directed against the United States.
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Hence, whether we look at Foreign Policy for Canadians or at the third option, the principal actor in the play, the principal guest at dinner was the United States. The dominant concern remained the same – Canadian vulnerability to U.S. power and influence.
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Through the second battle of Ypres, the Battle of Aras, and observing the previous bloodbath at the Battle of The Somme, the Canadian Expeditionary Force (C.E.F) perfected their defense tactics and techniques to fight in the evolutionary battle that made Canada a nation....
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The Options paper was unusual in that it focused squarely on the dominant question in our foreign policy: how to limit the impact of the U.S. on Canadian nationalism and identity – that is, how to reduce Canadian vulnerability to U.S. policies and actions. In the domestic field, the third option called for strengthening control over vital areas of the national interest in the economic and cultural spheres, while in foreign affairs it called for – guess what – an increased commitment to the rest of the world. This was our old friend multilateralism and globalism presenting itself in a new form – diversification of our economic relations with important countries other than the United States.
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Those who survived Canadian residential schools, lived on Native reserves or have been involved in any Native affairs issue is proof that Canada has not been improving the position of Native Canadians....
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There was no separate document on policies for dealing with the U.S. because Canadians to a large extent perceived foreign policy as dealing with all the world except the United States. Otherwise put, there was no separate paper on the U.S. because Canada’s dealings with the rest of the world were simply an expression of the way we dealt with the reality of the United States. The authors of the papers rightly said that our policies toward the U.S. were to be found in all the documents dealing with the world, secreted, so to speak, from their interstices, and that, in any event, a detailed study would come later. Notwithstanding the changed rhetoric and the scaled-down pretensions to the helpful-fixer role, there were, in the larger scheme of things, no true discontinuities in outlook and goals.
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