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The 559 Engineering Corps maintained the Ho Chi Minh Trail
The carrier of basic value is thus the totality of cultures, fromwhich each national culture and style of life that contributes to thetotality derives its own value. The argument from diversity istherefore pluralistic: it ascribes value to each particular culturefrom the viewpoint of the collective totality of cultures. Assumingthat the (ethno-)nation is the natural unit of culture, thepreservation of cultural diversity amounts to institutionallyprotecting the purity of (ethno-)national culture. The plurality ofcultural styles can be preserved and enhanced by tying them toethno-national “forms of life”. A pragmatic inconsistencymight threaten this argument. The issue is who can legitimatelypropose ethno-national diversity as ideal: the nationalist is much tootied to his or her own culture to do it, while the cosmopolitan is tooeager to preserve intercultural links that go beyond the idea ofhaving a single nation-state. Moreover, is diversity a value such thatit deserves to be protected whenever it exists? Should the protectionof diversity be restricted to certain aspects of culture(s)proposed in full generality? (For a more restricted, moderate versionof the argument from diversity, appealing to the analogy withbio-diversity but focusing exclusively upon linguistic diversity, seeFrançois Grin in Kymlicka and Patten (2003)).
But the U.S. knowingly contributed to the expansion of imperialism by vowing to support the French against Ho Chi Minh's struggle to establish an independent—and communist—Vietnam. With the Soviet threat growing, concerns over a communist takeover in Vietnam far outweighed anti-imperialist ideals.
Nationalism in Vietnam Essay by ..
(1) The Argument From the Right to CollectiveSelf-determination. A group of people of a sufficient size has aprima facie right to govern itself and decide its future membership,if the members of the group so wish. It is fundamentally thedemocratic will of the members themselves that grounds the right to anethno-national state and to ethno-centric cultural institutions andpractices. This argument presents the justification of(ethno-)national claims as deriving from the will of the members ofthe nation. It is therefore highly suitable for liberal nationalismbut not appealing to a deep communitarian who sees the demands of thenation as independent from, and prior to, the choices ofparticular individuals. (For extended discussion of this argument, seeBuchanan 1991, which has become a contemporary classic; Moore 1998;and Gans 2003. For some exchanges of arguments, see J. Levy inDieckoff 2004, and the volume on secession by Pavković and Radan2007, and the work of Christopher Heath Wellman 2005. Aninteresting volume from a legal perspective is Kohen 2006, and someinteresting case studies are presented in Casertano 2013. For anextremely negative judgment see Yack 2012, Ch. 10.)
(2) The Argument From the Right to Self-defense and toRedress Past Injustices. Oppression and injustice give the victimizedgroup a just cause and the right to secede. If a minority group isoppressed by the majority to the extent that almost every minority member isworse off than most members of the majority simply in virtue of belonging tothe minority, then nationalist claims on behalf of the minority are morallyplausible and potentially compelling. This argument implies arestrictive answer to our questions (2b) and (2c): the use of force inorder to achieve sovereignty is legitimate only in the cases ofself-defense and redress. Of course, there is a whole lot of work tobe done specifying against whom force may legitimately be used, andhow much damage may be done to how many. It establishes a typicalremedial right, acceptable from a liberal standpoint. (Seethe discussion in Kukathas and Poole 2000, also Buchanan 1991. Forpast injustices see Waldron 1992).
Vietnamese Nationalism and French Colonialism - Get Essays
The liberal wing of the antiwar movement, represented by groups such as SANE, WSP, Student Peace Union, and Americans for Democratic Action, supported détente, diplomacy, and demilitarization of the Cold War, paying particular attention to the nuclear arms race. Liberal peace groups worked to build a broad-based movement, gain positive media attention, and influence members of Congress – all essential elements of movement-building. At the same time, they tended to narrow their vision and political goals to what was feasible within the American context, which fell short of what was needed to achieve peace in the international context. The unwillingness of liberal peace groups to support U.S. withdrawal from South Vietnam not only divided the antiwar movement but also constituted a missed opportunity to combine domestic peace efforts with international diplomatic efforts led by UN Secretary-General U Thant, which were based on the Geneva formula. According to the historian Milton Katz:
King suggested “five concrete things that our government should do to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict.” These included ending all bombing in North and South Vietnam; declaring a unilateral cease-fire; curtailing the U.S. military buildup in Thailand and interference in Laos; accepting the National Liberation Front in negotiations; and setting “a date that we will remove all foreign troops from Vietnam in accordance with the 1954 Geneva Agreement.”
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Nationalism In The Global Village Essays
On April 20, 1975, U.S. Ambassador Graham Martin asked Thieu to resign for the good of the country. Six days later, after berating the U.S. for not supporting him, Thieu left for Taiwan on a U.S. transport plane, allegedly with gold bars from the national treasury packed into oversized suitcases. On the morning of April 30, Thieu’s successor, Duong Van Minh, ordered a general cease-fire, which undoubtedly saved many lives. NLF-NVA tanks rolled down the main thoroughfares of Saigon and took control of the government. There was no bloodbath.
Short essay on Nationalism VS Internationalism
Fighting in Vietnam nonetheless continued. In lieu of setting up unification elections, as stipulated in the Paris treaty, Thieu declared in November 1973 that the “Third Indochina War” had begun and went on the offensive. The NLF and NVA responded in kind, and with more success. Their final offensive to take Saigon was launched in March 1975. On April 2, Madame Nguyen Thi Binh, the Provisional Revolutionary Government representative who had signed the Paris treaty, offered to halt the NLF-NVA offensive if Thieu were replaced by a leader who would implement the terms of the Paris agreement. Thieu refused and lashed out against the NLF-NVA troops surrounding Saigon with every weapon at his command. The U.S. military, which came under the command of President Gerald Ford after Nixon was forced to resign on August 9, 1974 (due to the Watergate scandal), provided Thieu with monstrous 15,000-pound CBU-55 bombs originally intended to clear landing zones in the jungle.
Short essay on Nationalism VS Internationalism ..
The administration’s peace rhetoric was aimed at domestic and international audiences, not the Vietnamese. Indeed, UN Secretary-General U Thant worked tirelessly during the 1960s to broker a peace agreement based on the Geneva Agreements of 1954, but to no avail. The real difficulty for Johnson and company would be to explain to the American people why American blood had been shed in Vietnam at all. Having passed up ripe opportunities to resolve the burgeoning war in Vietnam in late 1963, following the Diem overthrow, and in late 1964, following his re-election as the “peace candidate,” President Johnson sabotaged another opportunity to negotiate an end to the war in late 1966. The Hanoi government was prepared to sit down with U.S. representatives in secret talks arranged by Poland, code-named “Marigold,” when Johnson authorized bombing raids on the center of Hanoi for the first time on December 13 and 14. The North Vietnamese pulled out, the talks collapsed, and the war expanded.
Regionalization globalization and nationalism essays
Reorienting American thinking about the war was an uphill climb. The generation that came of age during the Vietnam War was raised on heroic World War II stories, pumped full of national pride, and indoctrinated to believe in the benevolence of American foreign policies. Still, the purported “threat” of a communist-led government in a small country halfway around the world did not elicit the same fighting spirit as defending the nation in the aftermath of the surprise attack on Pearl Harbor. This was true for the general population as well – the necessity of the war was not obvious. Hence, the administration had to work assiduously to persuade the public that developments in Vietnam did indeed pose a dire threat to the security of the United States as well as to the survival of the so-called Free World.
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