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Revolution in Cuba, An Essay in Understanding. Herbert …

54. Others do; see Jean Stubbs, Cuba: The Test of Time (London: Latin American Bureau, 1989); Kenneth Kaunda. "Remarks at the Reception in His Honor," Gramma Weekly Review 1 June 1989 and 18 June 1989, pp. 1—2; Nelson P. Valdés, "Revolutionary Solidarity in Angola," Cuba in the World, ed. Cole Blasier and Carmelo Mesa-Lago (Pittsburgh, PA.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1979), pp. 87—117.

The revolution enlightened the Cuban people on how their country was being run.

Moore appears to be making a racialistic appeal especially to African-Americans by skillfully messaging the bitterness and frustration caused by centuries of white supremacy and racism. The fact the UCLA's Center for African-American Studies published the book and well-known popular black Americans endorsed it is further indication that the targeted audience must be black Americans. Yet, in Moore's relentless drive to prove the Cuban revolution to be racist, he denigrates the very black readership he has targeted by doing such poor scholarship on such an important subject as race and racism.

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The Cuban public supported such a revolution because of the decaying domestic conditions.

Moore's refusal to see any themes other than race and racism thrusts him into strange corners of analysis. In these corners, reality is distorted and simplistic answers to complex issues made palatable. His unwillingness to recognize class, nation, and international political economy as equally important agents in history is especially problematic when talking about the Cuban Revolution and national liberation.61 Serious scholars, objective political analysts, and members of national liberation movements for the most part reject a narrow racialistic view because it does not fully explain the world in which we live. The only place where such a view has historically sustained a small but significant following has been in the United States and in South Africa.62

On January 1, 1959, Fidel Castro wins the revolution and defeats General Fulgencro Batista and On February , 1959, Castro becomes president and gains full control over Cuba.

Since the Cuban revolution there have ..

In relation with Castro’s revolution in Cuba has been another revolution, that of the Cuban women....

The main causes of the revolution were the corrupt way in which the country was run, the large role the US played in the running of Cuba and the poor treatment & conditions the lower class Cubans lived with....

Moore makes his argument by first constructing a sociopsychological profile of Fidel Castro during the Revolution. He surmises that Fidel Castro is a "revolutionary warlord" with an "elitist and messianic character," a leader "endowed with an exclusive claim to popular legitimacy and absolute power." To argue such a position, he extracts passages from Carlos Franqui's written by revolutionaries Frank Pats and Carlos Franqui. He points to a July 1957 "Note" in which Franqui is addressing important issues historically attributed to popular movements (and often debated) in Latin America. Franqui identifies "caudillism" as one of the "fundamental problems" of Latin America. Moore implies that Franqui is talking about Fidel Castro. A review of the original passage indicates that Franqui is exploring the various styles of leadership in general that the Cuban revolutionaries may wish to emulate and/or reject. Moore misrepresents the intent of Pats when he quotes a passage from a letter Pats drafted to Fidel Castro: "In a revolution assemblies cannot be organized, but neither can everything be centralized in one man." Moore infers that País is talking about Fidel Castro when in fact he is concerned with structural problems within the underground movement of which País, himself, was a leader. Moore provides no background information of the structure of the July 26th Movement or of underground movements in general. Neither is there any mention of the revolutionary context nor exchanges over tactics that are common among leaders of social movements. Moore has taken what were, in fact, differences over strategy and made them into major disputes over the personal character of Fidel Castro. The author then begins to interchange the term for Fidel Castro's name when referring to him in the book.

. Moore quotes this on p. 9. This quote can be found in Franqui, Diary of the Cuban Revolution, p. 199.
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On the Cuban Revolution | Dissent Magazine

Many Cubans supported the Cuban revolution in the hope of seeing changes in Cuba; however after Castro seized the power in 1959, many left Cuba to find the better life and live free from the communist government in C...

Cuban Revolution Essay Example for Free

Denying these historical roots, Moore situates the good relations between the Cuban Revolution and African-Americans within an unprecedented "Afrocentric" policy supposedly usurped by Fidel from a Cuban intellectual named Walterio Carbonell - a policy that, according to Moore, Fidel then twisted to his own ends,42 Moore maintains that in addition to a desire to manipulate ties with African-Americans, Fidel resided at the Hotel Theresa while in Harlem in 1960 in order to solidify relations with the "Afro-Asiatic Bloc" attending the opening session of the United Nations. Moore comments:

Essay about The Cuban Revolution - 481 Words

Raúl Castro's words signaled an entirely new direction in Castroite foreign policy. The "linkage" proposed in the "Carbonell Plan" had now became a fact: Cuba's domestic Africa, the U.S.'s little Africa," and continental Africa were now interconnected ethno-political factors in Havana's thinking. In that light, Castro's Harlem performance was not merely a propaganda stunt, but a major tactical victory on three fronts. Cuban Blacks had been made to feel that their Maximo Lider was being subjected by the Yankees to the same segregationist treatment they themselves had experienced for centuries. U.S. Blacks began to consider the bearded Hispanic from Havana as their personal liberator. And the leaders of the newly independent African states massed in New York for the Assembly meeting looked upon Castro with new eyes. The short- and long-term political gains for the Cuban revolution from Castro's Harlem performance were therefore incalculable.43

Essay about Understanding the Cuban American ..

Constantly weaving his interpretive threads of Fidel as caudillo and race as a policy weapon, Moore moves into his final examination of Cuban foreign policy. He explores two themes in Cuban foreign policy history: Cuba's relations with people in the African diaspora and its emergence as a major participant in the anti-imperialist movement and within the Nonaligned Movement. The first variant of Cuba's relations within the diaspora focuses on the early relationship between the Cuban Revolution and African-Americans in the United States. According to Moore, the relationship was the result of Fidel's "exploitation of the American racial situation to further his own ends."39 Black Americans were "wooed" into supporting the Revolution not because certain advances had been made against institutional racism in Cuba but because they were "wonderstruck" and treated exaggeratedly well when they visited Cuba.40 Finally, there is almost no appreciation by Moore for the intensity of the contemporary movement for black rights in the United States and the impact it may have had on American perceptions of the Cuban Revolution.

Cuban Revolution Essays - StudentShare

The. impetus for change was actually coming from below, not only from the top, as Moore contends.38 The people had not yet labeled their revolution, but there were organic instances of class struggle throughout Cuba. For the most part and for most people, it was a struggle over specific reform issues, not ideology in the abstract. But, as the year proceeded and the labeling process of the United States continued, more and more people began to associate anticommunism with incidents of bombings and opposition to reforms.

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