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There is a clear dominant ideology in the society.
On the other hand, American assessments of national power failed her in the Vietnam conflict - by all quantitative measures, North Vietnam, even with massive Soviet and Chinese aid, was a much weaker nation than the alliance supporting the South (see Rothgeb 1993). However, by every reasonable estimate, the U.S. and the South Vietnamese governments were defeated, demonstrating that power resided in different factors than those they had considered. In part, ideological factors, including the theories of class, guerilla and people's war, were the basis for the defeat of an enemy with much greater material power. In other words, ideas can themselves be weapons if they affect the will of the participants. In this war of wills, it was the American will which had crumpled. Here the doctrine of 'hearts and minds', as developed in from Maoist doctrine by the North Vietnamese was found to be a very real source of power.
To Adorno () the critical power of literature resides in its negativity: it refuses (in the sense that it says no to) the capitalist mode of production. In capitalism, mass produced goods are not only interchangeable, but their value is thought to reside in their exchange value (basically their translatability into money), which is disconnected from the surplus value created in the labor process. Literary works of art, on the contrary, are unique, not interchangeable and hence not subjected to the logic of exchange value. This way, they run counter to capitalist ideology. Without negativity, cultural products are subjected to the industrial logic of capitalism, forming part of what Adorno and Horkheimer () labeled “the culture industry.”
Dominant Ideology Essay Example | Topics and Well …
Some representatives of these three traditions zoom in on narrative fiction to study the workings of ideology (see 3.2). As a result of the so-called ethical turn (Eskin ), philosophers and literary scholars alike have studied the reading of narrative fiction as a form of moral engagement with the textual other. Famous examples include Nussbaum () and Miller (). While the former stresses the need for a humanist, “loving” and respectful approach to the laws contained in the text, the latter highlights the inevitable relativism of the norms developed in the act of reading.
The disputes between the various general approaches to ideology center on (1) the kind of deep structure (e.g. sociological or psychoanalytical); (2) the nature of the relation between deep and surface level (e.g. deterministic or dialectical); (3) the concrete form of ideology: negative (dissimulation, illusion) or positive (social function of collectivization), small (ideology restricted to some forms of [false] consciousness linked to specific classes) or large (ideology as general worldview not tied up with particular classes). In the broadest sense, ideology is close to common sense, doxa (Bourdieu : 68), and lived experience.
Dominant Dominant Ideology Dominant impression Ideology
However, Morgenthau has here undermined his own position - if cultural factors, including ideas, provide the means for the pursuit of our interests, and help fashion the manner in which power is used, then ideology will remain a central aspect of power-relations, and in fact will help determine when power is used against others. Put simply, the raw facts of power are insufficient to determine chosen ends, that is, our main interests beyond mere survival. Survival is only a dominant, active interest under conditions of threat, e.g. in World War II and during the Cold War. It was also a major concern in Machiavelli's Italy, and remains a major concern in deeply destabilized environments, e.g. as suggested by events in modern Cambodia, Bosnia, and Kosovo.
Interest (material and ideal), not ideas, dominate directly the actions of men. Yet the 'images of the world' created by these ideas have very often served as switches determining the tracks on which the dynamism of interests kept actions moving. (in Morgenthau 1985, p11)
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Liberalism as Ideology: Essays in Honour of Michael Freeden
In particular, 'political realism' actually takes a 'moral stance' in trying to argue that morality is not an issue when survival is at stake, and in some sense since power is the basis of survival, it is always advisable to augment power over morality. Morality can therefore only be afforded as a secondary goal. This is an attempt to put forward an 'amoral' case for political conduct. However, the use of any power at any time over any person for any goal, no matter how apparently moral or consensus-based, is a profoundly moral and ideological process, guided both by ideas and culture in its formation, execution, and in its later historical interpretation. In other words, the attempt to divide ethics and politics is based on a false understanding of both. Ethical considerations and norms are themselves persuasive tools of political power (see above), while politics emerges out of any social acting out of values. It is precisely this close relationship between ethics and politics which informs the foreign policy and rhetoric of countries such as China, Indonesia, and in a different direction many European nations (see Holsti 1990, pp13-14; Korany 1990, pp23-5; King 1990, p74)
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This is a reasonable statement, directed against both fanaticism and the imposition of one set of particular moral ideals on every nation. Such notions of 'universal' morality often can be a form of cultural imperialism. On the other hand, Morgenthau has already argued that there are real laws of behaviour on which political and national behaviour should be based. If these supposed laws are not in fact universal, then political realism itself actually becomes an attempt to impose political realism upon others as the implicit rules of international conduct. In other words, it ceases to be a valid form of political science, and itself becomes and ideology, a tool in the international arena. These 'realistic' rules, of course, are more beneficial to those with measurable and definable power than to those with less power, or with power less readily assessed. In military strategy one of the main policies is to lure your enemy into fighting on unknown ground, or in ways in which he is weak, but where you are strong.
what ways is the dominant ideology of the U.S | …
There are some positive things to be said about this position. If America had been less ideologically and ideally motivated, she may have been less ready to enter the morass of the Vietnam War, for example. Good intentions when unsupported by appropriate means certainly can lead to unintended and bad outcomes. Furthermore, there is no doubt that a government, and the State, does have a duty to maintain the necessary means of life for their citizens (an argument put forward as early as Aristotle).
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