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Definitions of motherhood: literal, metaphorical, constructed.
Meet in Electronic Classroom for first hour. Youwill show your progress with your Web Pages to the class, and have a chanceto work on the page. BRING YOUR PAGE on a floppy disk!
Lecture: The Enlightenment and Republican Motherhood
Reading for next session: excerpts Mary Wollstonecraft, Vindicationof the Rights of Women; also, Linda Kerber, The Republican Mother and theWoman Citizen.” In Online Reserve file entitled Enlightenment, excerptsfrom Rousseau, “Emile”
Discuss Medea; also discuss online reserve room filesFrom Medusa to Cleopatra: Women in the Ancient World AND Legend of Hypsipyleand Medea AND Ancient Graves of Armed Women Hint at Amazons
Lecture on motherhood in the Bible: Eve and the Old Testament
Reading for next session: online reserve file Genesis/Proverbs
Mommy's Little Girl: Susie Bright on Sex, Motherhood, …
The danger comes not only or primarily from human rapaciousness and greed; it follows also and especially from certain seemingly high-minded and lofty human aspirations and conceits. Indeed, certain extreme claims, say, regarding human dignity or human obligation, advanced by human reason, had in Hobbes’s own day led to its very opposite — to human brutality and human indignity on a grand scale, including religious persecution, barbaric torture, and protracted civil war. Hobbes’s claim of the absolute natural right of self-preservation both presupposes and opposes the obstacles to life and safety — and, therewith, to everything humanly good — that often flow from these so-called higher, but frequently vainglorious or deceitful, claims. Hobbes had especially in mind the claims made in the name of nobility or piety, for example, the claims of self-styled nobles for death before dishonor, for reputation, and for glory, or the claims of self-styled prophets and their vicars for the forcible salvation of souls and the purging of heresies, reinforced in some cases by exhortations to turn the other cheek or by arguments that utterly depreciated the value of earthly or bodily life. Those who pressed these claims sincerely, Hobbes thought self-deceived and mad; worse, he thought, were those who practiced deceit on others through eloquence, using lofty speeches about “powers invisible” as a cloak behind which they themselves could exert dominion. But regardless of motive, these works of specious reason perverted human life, as only human reason can, by whipping up the passions that are dangerous for human survival.
The natural right of self-preservation, though notoriously minimal in its moral reach, both presupposes and encourages human agency and, therewith, human dignity. This right, recognized by reason, is a right to act — and not merely to move or re-act passively — and human action is, in part, the work of reason. Moreover, unlike so many of the entitlements or privileges casually claimed today in the name of rights — for example, a right to health care or a right to a guaranteed income — the natural right discovered by Hobbes is a right to do for oneself, not to have something done for, or given to, one. As such, it celebrates not mere human existence or even human possibility, but the entire realm of human action — albeit, explicitly, only the action of active self-preservation. The self that is preserved does its own preserving; it both can and must exert itself. Moreover, it does so mindfully, with clear awareness of both the possibility and the necessity of such self-exertion. Ultimately, it is in becoming truly and responsibly mindful of mortality — and of their resources before it — that human beings attain their special dignity.
FREE Surrogate MotherHood Essay
The incentive structure of the modern welfare state is similar to the one that Franklin condemned in old England, except that ours is more generous and more tolerant of single motherhood. Since 1965, when President Lyndon Johnson inaugurated the modern War on Poverty, total annual government welfare spending has grown from less than $9 billion (1.3 percent of gross domestic product) to $324 billion (5 percent of GDP) in 1993 to $927 billion (6 percent of GDP) in 2011. Between 1965 and 2013, the government spent $22 trillion (adjusted for inflation) on means-tested welfare programs—more than three times the costs of all military wars in the history of the United States.
For it is only in keeping with his true nature that the human person canachieve self-realization as a "unified totality":(9) and this natureis at the same time corporal and spiritual. By virtue of its substantial unionwith a spiritual soul, the human body cannot be considered as a mere complex oftissues, organs and functions, nor can it be evaluated in the same way as thebody of animals; rather it is a constitutive part of the person who manifestsand expresses himself through it. The natural moral law expresses and lays downthe purposes, rights and duties which are based upon the bodily and spiritualnature of the human person. Therefore this law cannot be thought of as simply aset of norms on the biological level; rather it must be defined as the rationalorder whereby man is called by the Creator to direct and regulate his life andactions and in particular to make use of his own body.(10) A first consequencecan be deduced from these principles: an intervention on the human body affectsnot only the tissues, the organs and their functions but also involves theperson himself on different levels. It involves, therefore, perhaps in animplicit but nonetheless real way, a moral significance and responsibility. PopeJohn Paul II forcefully reaffirmed this to the World Medical Association when hesaid: "Each human person, in his absolutely unique singularity, isconstituted not only by his spirit, but by his body as well. Thus, in the bodyand through the body, one touches the person himself in his concrete reality. Torespect the dignity of man consequently amounts to safeguarding this identity ofthe man as the Second Vatican Council says (, 14, par.1). It is on the basis of this anthropological vision thatone is to find the fundamental criteria for decision-making in the case ofprocedures which are not strictly therapeutic, as, for example, those aimed atthe improvement of the human biological condition".(11)
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FREE Opposing Views On Surrogate Motherhood Essay
In all these conditions the person conveyed can neither consent nor resist the conveyance itself or the obligations attendant thereto. The characterization of a condition as analogous to slavery therefore appears to rest on the negation of the right to self-determination (and thus the a priori negation of human dignity). But it is also generally acknowledged that a person cannot voluntarily sell herself into slavery: actual consent is immaterial, since legal consent is impossible. The prohibition on slavery would therefore seem to revolve around the lack of rights to self-determination of the person in a slave condition rather than the modalities of her conveyance to another. Just as consent to slavery does not negate slavery—indicating that the lack of consent is not a necessary feature of slavery—payment is also not required. This analysis suggests several fundamental differences between the conditions of a slave and those of a child whose filiation has been transferred from one person to another for compensation, not least that, under current international law, most notably the Convention on the Rights of the Child (to which all states except the United States and Somalia are parties), the child as such is endowed with rights. Such rights include “child-sized” rights of self-determination, precluding any other person’s exercise of absolute powers. Moreover, whereas it is a corollary of child status that the child cannot express legally binding consent to any contractual transaction, nonetheless the child’s interests can be represented by third parties. Australia’s National Model to Harmonise Regulation of Surrogacy, for example, constructively represents the interests of the child through the judicial process, by requiring that the transfer of parental rights be subject to a parentage order.
Opposing Views On Surrogate Motherhood
In keeping with rules designed to foster markets, the most coherent way for states engaged in the surrogacy market to address the question of maternal jus sanguinis rights appears to be by “legalizing” the “blood” of the mother—that is, by substituting the corporeal bond of mother and child with a legal bond (as per the Israeli case). Motherhood becomes, then, a status whose basis lies in state validation of contractual accords between the commissioning parent and—separately—the ova provider and the gestational carrier. To the extent to which both surrogacy and adoption rest on an intent-based test of parenthood, the gestational carrier is the analog of the mother who gives up her child for adoption. But, unlike the birth mother in adoption, the gestational carrier in surrogacy has never had the status of mother. Consequently, she has never been bound by any of the obligations nor has she ever had any of the rights normally attendant on giving birth, and she may be compensated at a market rate. In this scenario, two rules are established within one regulatory framework. Special rules apply to women who give birth to, and to those who subsequently gain parental status with respect to, children born in surrogacy arrangements; general rules apply to mothers giving birth outside of such arrangements.
and responsible motherhood, as well as the dignity …
Even as the bases for paternity recognition have been liberalized, laws allowing mothers to transmit nationality have also been promulgated in many states, thus extending jus sanguinis rules to maternal descent. Here the assumption has been that the jus sanguinis describes an actual physical link between the mother and the child: The mother and child share a corporeal connection, metonymically described by “blood.” As the Israeli case illustrates, however, legal systems now confront the question of deciding to which aspect of corporeality, if any, they will attach the status of motherhood—gestation or ova provision.
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